傅莹：中英关系和未来展望
傅莹
清华大学战略与安全研究中心创始主任、中国外交部前副部长
2022年3月13日是中国与英国建立大使级外交关系50周年。作为中国第十任驻英国大使，我很高兴借此机会分享对中英关系的回顾和展望。
英国是最早承认中华人民共和国的西方国家之一。20世纪70年代，在国际形势变化的大背景下，中英实现正式建交，并以此为起点，开启在经贸、文化等领域的密切合作。1997年香港的回归为中英关系的进一步顺畅发展铺平了道路。
我是2007-2010年出使英国的，见证了中英关系的快步发展。那三年间，尽管因两国之间出现的一些矛盾和摩擦耗费不少精力，但是我对英国有美好印象，工作和生活的经历是愉快的。2010年1月底离任时，我在海德饭店的告别招待会上说过这样一句话：人还未离开，已经开始想念了。
这些年我一直关注着中英关系的发展，欣喜于两国交流合作取得的成就。不过我也注意到出现的坎坷和挫折。英方对中方的一些无端指责和围绕人权方面的一些关切，是中方无法接受的。当分歧在两国关系中占据突出位置，不可避免地要影响到中英关系的正常发展。
细观这些具体分歧，基本都是涉及中国国内政治和政策方面的问题，而非损害英国人民利益的事情。双方不同的观点一定程度上反映的是两国人民基于不同历史和政治文化，在价值观和世界观上的差异。这些需要通过沟通交流去增进了解，不应由此而削弱中英关系的根基和合作的纽带。
中英关系一步步走到今天来之不易，是几代人孜孜不倦努力推动和两国人民积极投入的结果。1972年建立大使级外交关系时中英贸易额只有3亿美元，2021年达1100多亿美元，中国成为英国在亚洲的最大贸易伙伴。两国双向投资规模累计近500亿美元，500多家中企在英国创造了8万多个就业机会。伦敦成为全球最大人民币离岸交易中心，“沪伦通”、本币互换等金融合作成果卓著。新能源成为中英关系的新增长点，电池储能、海上风电、电动汽车等绿色合作方兴未艾。不久前中国的核电技术“华龙一号”在英国通过设计审查，这一项目如能落地，将为英国人提供更多可靠、清洁的能源。
人文交流和教育合作是中英合作的支柱之一。记得1985年我到英国留学时，是与另外一名学生分享一份英联邦奖学金，同期抵达的不过几十人，大部分选择的主修课都是实用科目，有人学习草莓种植和饲养技术，也有人学习计算机和机械。许多人回国后为中国的改革开放作出贡献。每当我在超市看到充裕的鲜美草莓，都会想起在英国留学的那些同学和那段时光。
2020年英国超过美国，成为中国留学生求学的首选目的地国，中国赴海外学习的人42%选择了英国。尽管受到新冠疫情影响，2021年英国为中国学生签发了13万张留学签证，也就是说，来到英国的国际留学生三分之一来自中国。期待疫情缓解后，两国人文交流将会焕发出更大活力。
诚然，国家间难免有分歧，不能无视分歧的存在，问题在于如何看待和处置。有分歧可以讨论甚至辩论，但是不能以此为借口去干涉他国内政。西方国家习惯于对他国指手划脚，除了傲慢心态在作祟，还有更深层的原因，就是没有意识到经济全球化带来的现代世界新现实，未能在思维和行为方式上作出调整，而这种调整对世界的进步至关重要。
冷战后美将其在两极格局时期主导的以西方国家为主体的“世界秩序”（与以联合国为中心的“国际秩序”有重叠但不完全等同）推向全球。资本的流动和生产、市场等经济活动快速打破了西方阵营的界限，实现全球配置。但这个秩序在其他领域仍然是高度排他性的，政治上，排斥任何其他价值信仰或政治制度；安全上，以美国及其盟友利益为先。经济全球化给世界带来了巨大的变化，包括中国等发展中国家兴起。而与此同时，继续声称拥有主导地位的美国出现一系列失误，诸如2008年金融危机、入侵阿富汗和伊拉克的失败。美国领导的这一“世界秩序”开始松懈并失去吸引力，导致华盛顿对其世界地位日益感到焦虑。
中国在2010年成长为世界第二大经济体，GDP的世界占比从1972年的2.9%提高到2021年预计将超过18%，这让美国越来越担心失去霸主地位。然而，美国没有选择在全球化的环境中与中国开展良性竞争，而是采取打压手段，试图阻止中国快速发展的步伐，不仅在贸易和科技领域对华采取了各种压制措施，而且开始突出西方国家与中国的政治和意识形态分歧。这些分歧半个世纪前就存在，并没有阻碍彼此发展关系，现在我们在全球问题上共识更多，合作的需求更大，为什么这些问题反倒成为不能相容的分歧了呢？原因在于旧“世界秩序”的僵化，无法适应不断变化的新现实，也在于西方国家对中国等拥有不同历史文化和发展水平的新兴国家缺乏了解和包容。当然，中国人在对外沟通、介绍自己方面的意识和能力也需要进一步提高。
当前，欧洲和亚太地区因利益不一致引发严重冲突，旧有的秩序和观念正在受到变化和紧张关系的不断冲击。中英两国关系需要适应变局，积极调整，避免掉进利益纠葛和观念冲撞的陷阱，寻求新的发展机遇和合作动能。
我们需要汲取历史经验和教训，摆脱旧观念的干扰，相互尊重和包容，坚持对话协商，克服阻力拓展合作。正如2021年10月29日习近平主席同约翰逊首相通话时指出的，“中英关系要发展好，互信是基础，认知是前提，妥善处理分歧是关键。”
牛津大学历史教授J.M.罗伯茨1996年所著的《欧洲史》是少有把俄罗斯作为欧洲一部分来写的史书，其中分析了欧洲东西两大板块之间分裂的根源和对融合的展望。然而，冷战结束30年后，欧洲再度爆发了激烈的军事冲突，所带来的巨大人道灾难令人唏嘘。整个世界都在密切地关注着事态的发展，急切地呼吁尽快实现停战，和平解决危机。
探究这段冲突的缘由，不难看到陈旧地缘政治观念的对撞——谁都想把自己的安全边界推得尽量远一些，都想竭力壮大己方基于共同价值的结盟阵营，排斥其他方。正是在这样的“张力”作用下，欧洲不断错失实现团结的机会。而眼下这场冲突如不能得到妥善解决，有可能将整个世界重新拖入隔绝和对抗的深渊。
世界进入21世纪时主要国家曾经有过一段时间的平静、合作期，经济全球化的蓬勃推进给世界各国带来宝贵的发展机遇，包括中英在内的许多国家深受其益。现在我们面临的不仅是保护主义、孤立主义等对经济全球化的冲击，更有大国恶性竞争和地区冲突导致经济全球化逆转的风险。世界再次面临要和平还是要战争、要融合还是要撕裂的抉择。英国作为老牌的工业化国家，始终对世界大势变化高度敏感，想必也在思考，历史难道只能轮回，灾难非要不断重演？
我注意到英国提出了“全球化英国”的理念，反映出英国希望更积极参与全球事务、在世界上发挥与自身地位相匹配作用的意愿。那么，英国在处理对华关系时，是否也能从全球的角度去思考和衡量呢？
中国的发展强大是世界风云变幻的重要内容。记得我在英国大使任上发表公开演讲时，有两个最常被问到的问题：“中国想向世界要什么？”“中国能给世界带来什么？”回想起来，英国人对中国世界地位变化的感知甚至早于中国人自己。当时我的回答是，中国希望世界保持和平稳定，中国则以自身的和平发展回报世界。十多年后的今天，中国聚焦于实现民族伟大复兴和人民共同富裕，保持国内持续发展需要一个持久的和平国际环境。为此我们希望看到全球体系能向着更加包容、公正、普惠的方向进行改革完善。
中英同为联合国安理会常任理事国，都是经济全球化的支持者和促进者，也都希望自己的声音和利益在世界舞台上得到体现和保障。中英关系即将开启新的50年，我们需要学会在全球平台上运筹彼此关系。因为，我们相互持何看法，如何在新的局面下定义彼此关系，也将影响到世界大势的发展。我们都有责任、有义务抵制那些推动世界走上倒退之路的力量。
21世纪面临许多关乎人类共同利益的重大挑战，需要包括中英两国在内的国际社会去共同处理。我们两国理应为此加强协调合作，这些议题包括维护全球金融稳定、应对气候变化、发展清洁能源、保障核不扩散、增进粮食安全、反对恐怖主义、管控网络安全等等。这样的合作也将为两国在双边层面实现新的互利共赢提供持久动力。
China-UK relations: Looking into the future
JIN DING/CHINA DAILY
The 13th of March marked the 50th anniversary of ambassadorial diplomatic relations between China and the UK. As the tenth Chinese ambassador to the United Kingdom, I wish to share some personal perspectives on the relationship.
The UK recognized the People's Republic of China in 1950－one year after its founding－way ahead of most other Western countries. In 1972, when the international landscape was undergoing dramatic changes, China and the UK established full diplomatic ties which opened the path for closer cooperation in economic, trade, cultural and many other fields. The successful handover of Hong Kong in 1997 paved the way for smooth progress of the relationship in the years to come.
Both sides should appreciate generations of efforts
I served as the Chinese ambassador in London between 2007 and 2010 and witnessed how the relationship advanced rapidly. Though there were some tough moments for me addressing difficulties and frictions in the relationship, I generally had a good impression of the country and a pleasant experience during my three-year tenure in the UK. Before leaving, at my farewell reception at the Mandarin Oriental Hyde Park Hotel in January 2010, I was already missing Britain.
In the years since, I have followed closely our relationship and it was always delightful to see new progress and achievement in exchanges and cooperation. However, I have also noticed some setbacks along the journey. Beijing would not accept some of London's criticisms and concerns over alleged human rights issues which it saw as unfair. And normal progress of bilateral ties was inevitably affected when the differences became the focus in the relationship.
A closer look at the specific issues reveals that they are basically about China's domestic politics and policies rather than anything impairing the interests of the British people. The divergent opinions reflected, to some extent, the divergent values and worldviews of the Chinese and the British people which were rooted in their different history and political culture. Differences need to be dealt with through communication and exchange rather than being allowed to undermine the foundation and bonds of the bilateral ties.
It took both sides generations of strong and steady efforts to bring the China-UK relationship where it is today. In 1972, bilateral trade barely reached $300 million; while in 2021, it topped $110 billion, making China the UK's largest trading partner in Asia. The cumulative two-way investment reached almost $50 billion; over 500 Chinese businesses have created more than 80,000 jobs in the UK. London is now the world's biggest offshore RMB clearing center. The success of our financial cooperation, such as the Shanghai-London Stock Connect and the currency swap program, speaks for itself. New energy cooperation provides another new growth driver for China-UK relations. Green cooperation is flourishing in battery capacity, offshore wind power, electric vehicles and so on. Most recently, China's nuclear reactor design Hualong One (HPR 1000) passed the UK's generic design assessment (GDA). The project, once built, will provide access to more reliable and clean energy for British communities.
People-to-people exchange and educational cooperation is another pillar in China-UK relations. I myself was a beneficiary. In 1985, I went to study in the UK on a Commonwealth Scholarship that I shared with another student. I arrived with several dozens of other Chinese students. Most of us chose disciplines on practical knowledge and skills. Some studied strawberry cultivation or livestock farming. Others learned computer science or mechanical engineering. Many of them joined China's reform and opening-up endeavor after they finished studies in the UK. Till this day, whenever I visit the fruit section in Chinese supermarkets, the delicious-looking strawberries remind me of my fellow students and our days in the UK.
In 2020, the UK overtook the United States to become the top destination for overseas Chinese students. A whopping 42 percent of the students who went abroad chose to study in the UK. Despite the impact of COVID-19 on the flow of overseas students, 130,000 UK student visas were issued to Chinese students in 2021, which amounted to one third of the total number of international students in the UK. We can expect even more robust China-UK people-to-people exchanges when COVID-19 eases.
Changing circumstances challenge the old world order
This brings me back to examine the difficulties in our relationship. It is only natural that countries perceive some issues differently. What matters is how to view and address them in an appropriate way. Countries can discuss or debate their differences, but not take them as a reason to interfere in other countries' internal affairs. Western countries have a habit of telling others what to do. One of the causes for such behavior, in addition to a sense of self-righteousness, is a fundamental lack of awareness of the new reality brought by modern-day economic globalization and the inability to adjust their way of thinking and conduct accordingly, yet it matters that these countries undertake such adjustments so that the world will keep moving forward.
Following the end of the Cold War, the United States began trying to globalize the US-dominated West-centric order from the bipolar era, which differs from the UN-centered international order despite their overlap. This US-led order has succeeded in generating economic globalization, moving capital and linking markets, production and other economic activities across the world－beyond the boundaries of the Western bloc. But it remains a highly exclusive process otherwise－dismissing non-Western values and political systems and putting first the security interests of the United States and its allies. Economic globalization has changed the world in profound ways, making possible the rise of China and other developing countries. In the meantime, the United States, which continues to claim predominance, has made a series of blunders such as the international financial crisis of 2007 and failures in Afghanistan and Iraq. These were signs that the US-led order had begun to lose appeal－a cause for growing anxiety in Washington over the US stature in the world.
In 2010, China became the world's second largest economy. Its 2021 GDP accounted for over 18 percent of the global total, up from 2.9 percent in 1972. China's progress fueled US fears about losing supremacy. The US response, instead of a healthy competition in the 21st-century globalized world, is to crack down and hold back China's growth, targeting China not only in trade and technology areas, but also highlighting political and ideological differences. Those differences had been there since half a century ago and did not hinder the progress of the Western countries' relations with China.
Now, when we face more common challenges and have wider consensus for global cooperation, why the old differences have reemerged and become intolerable? The answer, as I tend to believe, lies in a combination of factors－first, the inability of the US-led order to adapt to new realities; second, a lack of understanding and accommodation among the Western countries toward China and other emerging countries whose histories, cultures and levels of development are different from the West; and third－I would admit－the lagging consciousness and lack of sophistication when it comes to communicating to the world who we Chinese are, what we want and why we do things the way we do.
At the very moment, Europe and the Asia-Pacific are witnessing serious conflicts caused by clash of interests. The old order and way of thinking are being challenged by the changing circumstances and rising tensions around the world. The relationship between China and the UK must adapt and adjust to make sure that it will not be trapped by the conflict of interests or clash of philosophies, and be able to identify new opportunities for growth and cooperation.
Look into the future by learning from history
To this end, we need to learn from history and free ourselves from the old mindset. We need to respect and accommodate each other, address issues through dialogue and consultation, and expand cooperation no matter what may stand in the way. As Chinese President Xi Jinping underscored during his phone conversation with Prime Minister Boris Johnson last October, "To develop a sound China-UK relationship, trusting each other is the basis; getting perceptions right is the premise; and properly managing differences is the key."
A History of Europe, authored by Professor J.M. Roberts of Oxford University in 1996, is one of the few books on the subject that treats Russia as part of Europe. The book analyses why Eastern and Western Europe grew apart and the possibility and prospect of reintegration. However, 30 years after the end of the Cold War, Europe has been sadly hit again by military conflict, which is causing huge humanitarian consequences on the continent. The whole world is watching anxiously where this conflict may lead and calling eagerly for peace and proper solution.
Among the many causes of the crisis, there is also the traditional geopolitical mindsets of the parties involved, being determined to push their security borders as further away as possible and to expand their own values-based alliances at the expense of others. It is this type of tension that has repeatedly cost Europe the chance to come to unity. Failure to find a proper way out could drag the whole world back into the abyss of isolation and confrontation.
The early years of the 21st century saw a period of relative calm and cooperation among major countries. Economic globalization thrived, bringing valuable growth opportunities that benefited China, the UK and many other countries. Today, economic globalization is not only challenged by protectionism and isolationism, but also threatened by the possibility of being reversed due to vicious competition between major countries and regional conflict. The world is once again facing the choice between peace and war, and between integration and split. The UK, as an established industrial country constantly alert to shifting trends in the world, must also be thinking whether history and disaster are bound to repeat themselves and whether they can be averted.
The UK's vision for Global Britain conveys its desire to participate more actively in global affairs and play a role compatible with its international stature. I wonder how the UK would be managing its relations with China from such a global perspective?
China has come a long way in its development. This is an important aspect of the changing dynamics in our world. When I was Ambassador to the UK, I was often asked two questions: "What does China want from the world?" and "What can China offer to the world?" Now that I think about it, people in the UK apparently saw the shift in China's world stature coming even before we Chinese did. My answers to those questions at that time were: "China wants to see enduring peace and stability in the world; and China will offer to the world with its peaceful development." It has been over 10 years since, and the answers remain the same. Today's China is focused on national rejuvenation and common prosperity for its people. To achieve sustained development, China needs a world of lasting peace and, to that end, hopes to see a more inclusive and fair global system, adapted and reformed for the well-being of all in the world.
China and the UK are both permanent members of the UN Security Council. Both support and champion economic globalization. Both want their voices to be heard and interests ensured. As China-UK relations enter the next 50 years, we need to create positive dynamics between the two sides at the global level, because how we perceive each other and define our relations will also play a part in shaping global trends. We have a shared responsibility and obligation to resist the forces that try to send the world backward.
We live in a century of major challenges, which can only be met through the joint efforts of China, the UK and the rest of the global community, for what is at stake is the common welfare of humanity. China and the UK must work together on a full range of issues such as global financial stability, climate change, clean energy, nuclear nonproliferation, food security, counterterrorism and cybersecurity. I have no doubt that cooperation at the global level will in turn inspire efforts on the bilateral front. Both sides will stand to benefit.
The author is a former ambassador to the UK and vice-foreign minister of China.
文章2022年3月29日首发于《中国日报》